adminComment(0) connect to download. Get pdf. . In fact, in his Project pour rendre la paix perp´etuelle en Europe, Saint-Pierre proposes a right to intervene in .. In I. Kant, Per la pace perpetua (Milano: Feltrinelli), pp. Page 1. per la pace perpetua. Per La Pace Perpetua. Page 1. Page 2. per la pace per la pace perpetua per la pace perpetua pdf. Page 4. Page 5. per la pace. Bobbio Introduzione a Kant Per La Pace Perpetua by carlofollenti. Download as PDF or read online from Scribd. Flag for inappropriate content. Download.

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It is hardly coinci- dental that revolutionary France is the greatest republic of Europe. France was the paramount example of a state in which violence had brought about a constitutional improvement and was perceived somewhat correctly as a potential exporter of the revolution. In this context it should also be noted that Kant writes Perpetual Peace in the summer of , immediately after the Franco—Prussian peace that was the first implicit recognition by the international community of the post— France as a state with full juridical status.

That Perpetual Peace can be and was read as a manifesto of revolutionary propaganda should not be a surprise. This principle, which had significantly appeared already in the French constitution, could serve the purpose of protecting France from external reactionary forces. Also, the second part of the article makes a very significant exception to the general rule: If a state is split in two by a civil war, then intervention is permissible on the grounds that there is no longer a legitimate authority over that territory.

Analogously, the theorization of the priority of politics over morality in the First Supplement in which Kant states, in a very Aristotelian mood, that good constitutions are not to be expected from the morality of people but rather that the converse is true lends itself to an indirect justification of violence.

Although the former can be taught by experience, and their enthusias- tic but politically unwise means perfected, the latter will never yield any good outcome. More precisely, it is the constant threat of assault from a neighboring state that induces all nations to leave the state of nature at the international level. War not only has this indirect function based on the experience of its atrocities. Besides this providential function, Kant sometimes seems to assign to it an inherent value.

More importantly, he does not share the idea of the aesthetic of Downloaded by [Columbia University] at 06 November war that was on the verge of becoming rather popular in Germany14 ; war is at best considered as a painful and yet at times unavoidable means to reach political justice and hence peace.

Is this position consistent? Also, even if Kant has a consistent theory, does that help us with our current difficulty in handling the question of the legitimacy of violence, say, for the protection of HR across the world? Can Kant help us in thinking about the alleged right to intervention for humanitarian purposes? To begin with, one should notice that Kant has good reasons to deny a right to rebellion. Strictly speaking, no constitutional law can include a permission to rebel violently.

La metafisica dei costumi

Notoriously, Locke grants a right to rebellion. In this case, however, the crisis would no longer count as violent rebellion.

In either case, there is no such thing as a violent legitimate outcome of the crisis, as Locke seems to assume. With regard to this point, it might be useful to start with a tentative account of our intuitions on the right to intervention. The use of violence for the sake of HR protection is commonly seen as legitimate if and only if the following conditions apply: 1 there is a systematic and profound violation of HR for which a government or a faction within a community is responsible; 2 all pacific means to stop the violation have been unsuccessful, and 3 the military initiative has to have a real chance of putting a stop to the abuses.

Even if the fifth preliminary article was written, as we supposed, to defend France from a reaction of the European crowns, it nonetheless clearly states the illegitimacy of a crusade for liberal democracy. Kant explicitly rejects the idea of a war for a stable peace.

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More importantly, when Kant expresses fondness for some revolutionary force that overthrows unconstitutional regimes, it is always with an important qualification: The appreciation can only come from the external point of view of a philosopher of history who looks at the world and, although condemning the breach of a juridical condition within a state, welcomes it as a step toward the ultimate goal of humankind, peace.

CARANTI the national frontiers in the hope that the spirit of commerce plays its pacifying role squares with the idea of gradual and nonviolent facilitation of global constitutional improvement. Once again, the key text here is the fifth provisional article. The passivity of action toward scandalous states that Kant preaches is combined with a restless intellectual activity of denouncing unjust states.

We may not impose democracy even if we know that the removal of one despotic regime would increase the stability of the world. This is no reason, however, to water down our standards of justice if we are to judge whether a particular state is despotic and for taking all the necessary nonviolent means to facilitate its transition toward a juridical condition. The refusal of crusading enter- prises need not and should not be accompanied by the endorsement of relativistic moral standards.

The reason why it is impermissible to intervene is not that the standards of justice are relative—as the realist would say. For Kant, the denial of freedom and equality before the law is wrong no matter where and when it occurs.

There is no religious, social, or historical reason that could excuse that. Even theoreticians who are rather sensitive to the question of the cultural difference have at last recognized this quota of univer- salism.

Imposing external standards—no matter how just in themselves—when times are not mature might end up worsening the situation. In fact, we have just ex- perienced in Iraq how this can happen.

Alternatively, the reason could be moral. Finally, the reason could be a combination of these two. In any case, nothing here requires or even suggests relativism. NOTES 1. I have used H. If no translation is available or if I opt for my own translation, after the year of publication I indicate the page in Downloaded by [Columbia University] at 06 November the Kants gesammelte Schriften. For this brief history of peace theory I am largely indebted to Alberto Burgio 87— Kant had defined the civil state quite differently in the essay On the Common Saying.

The freedom of every member of society as a human being, 2. The equality of each with all the others as a subject, 3. The independence of each member of a commonwealth as a citizen. In Kant claimed that we are equal merely as subjects, whereas in we are equal as citizens.

This difference has led some commentators Marini to conclude that Kant opens to the universal suffrage in Perpetual Peace. It is not clear why the constitutional guarantees, typical of a liberal state, that are meant, among other things, to avoid such risk by setting principles that no qualified majority can legitimately change would not be sufficient to solve the problem. More importantly, it is not clear why the risk of despotism would diminish if the government is in the hand of few or of one instead of all.

It is interesting to notice that Kant does not say that it is impossible that citizens chose to embark on the enterprise but simply that they will be very hesitant. This could be taken as a sign that he was well aware that the mere democratic principle is not sufficient for guaranteeing perpetual peace, because, as the nationalistic wars of the s have shown, sometimes the people or the majority desire to go to war for their interest. This point is acknowledged by Doyle The republican nature of governments takes care of the internal constitutional organization of each state.

These further conditions, discussed respectively in the second and third article of Perpetual Peace, refer to the necessity to enter into a foedus pacificum i. It is an interesting but to my knowledge rather neglected question whether Kant considered the three conditions as jointly sufficient for perpetual peace.

La metafisica dei costumi

This criticism has been advanced, among others, by Archibugi and Butham 84— Kant assumes here that a despotic regime, by not allowing internal opposition not even that freedom of speech that confines itself to an intellectual criticism , is in the short run more united and, hence, stronger than a republic. In a republic, internal criticism is in long run beneficial for the improvement and stability of the state but could undermine its unity and strength.

This is particularly dangerous when the republic faces with a current threat e. My translation. See, respectively, Kant ; b: 34 n. On this point see also Cederman All points listed here to show that Kant was relatively favorable to certain episodes of violence for the sake of justice are borrowed from A. Burgio 87— Lamette is the author of a refutation in Latin of Perpetual Peace ; H.

Heynich writes the Kants philosophischer Entwurf zum Ewigen Frieden appeared anonymously in ; M. Besonders gegen Kant by J. The celebration of war becomes particularly popular in the years around the restoration. See also Archibugi Kant The Evans Commission on the Right to Humanitarian Intervention, created with the initiative of the Canadian government, also embraces these criteria. Our intuitions would forbid a passive attitude toward gross violations of HR say genocide simply because this genocide does not endanger international peace or even the stability of the surrounding area.

Unless one holds that the country had lost political authority during the massacres. Kant a: The practical politician assumes the attitude of looking down with great self-satisfaction on the political theorist as a pedant whose empty ideas in no way threaten the security of the state, inasmuch as the state must proceed on empirical principles; so the theorist is allowed to play his game without interference from the worldly-wise statesman.

Such being his attitude, the practical politician--and this is the condition I make--should at least act consistently in the case of a conflict and not suspect some danger to the state in the political theorist's opinions which are ventured and publicly expressed without any ulterior purpose. By this clausula salvatoria the author desires formally and emphatically to deprecate herewith any malevolent interpretation which might be placed on his words.

The causes for making future wars which are perhaps unknown to the contracting parties are without exception annihilated by the treaty of peace, even if they should be dug out of dusty documents by acute sleuthing. When one or both parties to a treaty of peace, being too exhausted to continue warring with each other, make a tacit reservation reservatio mentalis in regard to old claims to be elaborated only at some more favorable opportunity in the future, the treaty is made in bad faith, and we have an artifice worthy of the casuistry of a Jesuit.

Considered by itself, it is beneath the dignity of a sovereign, just as the readiness to indulge in this kind of reasoning is unworthy of the dignity of his minister.

But if, in consequence of enlightened concepts of statecraft, the glory of the state is placed in its continual aggrandizement by whatever means, my conclusion will appear merely academic and pedantic. It is a society of men whom no one else has any right to command or to dispose except the state itself. It is a trunk with its own roots.

But to incorporate it into another state, like a graft, is to destroy its existence as a moral person, reducing it to a thing; such incorporation thus contradicts the idea of the original contract without which no right over a people can be conceived. Also the hiring-out of troops by one state to another, so that they can be used against an enemy not common to both, is to be counted under this principle; for in this manner the subjects, as though they were things to be manipulated at pleasure, are used and also used up.

For this reason, the cost of peace finally becomes more oppressive than that of a short war, and consequently a standing army is itself a cause of offensive war waged in order to relieve the state of this burden. Add to this that to pay men to kill or to be killed seems to entail using them as mere machines and tools in the hand of another the state , and this is hardly compatible with the rights of mankind in our own person.

But the periodic and voluntary military exercises of citizens who thereby secure themselves and their country against foreign aggression are entirely different. The accumulation of treasure would have the same effect, for, of the three powers--the power of armies, of alliances, and of money--the third is perhaps the most dependable weapon.

Such accumulation of treasure is regarded by other states as a threat of war, and if it were not for the difficulties in learning the amount, it would force the other state to make an early attack. But as an opposing machine in the antagonism of powers, a credit system which grows beyond sight and which is yet a safe debt for the present requirements--because all the creditors do not require payment at one time--constitutes a dangerous money power.

Bobbio Introduzione a Kant Per La Pace Perpetua

This ingenious invention of a commercial people [England] in this century is dangerous because it is a war treasure which exceeds the treasures of all other states; it cannot be exhausted except by default of taxes which is inevitable , though it can be long delayed by the stimulus to trade which occurs through the reaction of credit on industry and commerce.

This facility in making war, together with the inclination to do so on the part of rulers--an inclination which seems inborn in human nature--is thus a great hindrance to perpetual peace. Therefore, to forbid this credit system must be a preliminary article of perpetual peace all the more because it must eventually entangle many innocent states in the inevitable bankruptcy and openly harm them. They are therefore justified in allying themselves against such a state and its measures.

The offense, perhaps, which a state gives to the subjects of another state? Rather the example of the evil into which a state has fallen because of its lawlessness should serve as a warning.

Moreover, the bad example which one free person affords another as a scandalum acceptum is not an infringement of his rights. But it would be quite different if a state, by internal rebellion, should fall into two parts, each of which pretended to be a separate state making claim to the whole. To lend assistance to one of these cannot be considered an interference in the constitution of the other state for it is then in a state of anarchy.

But so long as the internal dissension has not come to this critical point, such interference by foreign powers would infringe on the rights of an independent people struggling with its internal disease; hence it would itself be an offense and would render the autonomy of all states insecure.

For some confidence in the character of the enemy must remain even in the midst of war, as otherwise no peace could be concluded and the hostilities would degenerate into a war of extermination bellum internecinum.

War, however, is only the sad recourse in the state of nature where there is no tribunal which could judge with the force of law by which each state asserts its right by violence and in which neither party can be adjudged unjust for that would presuppose a juridical decision ; in lieu of such a decision, the issue of the conflict as if given by a so-called "judgment of God" decides on which side justice lies.

But between states no punitive war bellum punitivum is conceivable, because there is no relation between them of master and servant.

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It follows that a war of extermination, in which the destruction of both parties and of all justice can result, would permit perpetual peace only in the vast burial ground of the human race. Therefore, such a war and the use of all means leading to it must be absolutely forbidden. But that the means cited do inevitably lead to it is clear from the fact that these infernal arts, vile in themselves, when once used would not long be confined to the sphere of war. Take, for instance, the use of spies uti exploratoribus.

In this, one employs the infamy of others which can never be entirely eradicated only to encourage its persistence even into the state of peace, to the undoing of the very spirit of peace.

Although the laws stated are objectively, i. Such are Nos. Others, like Nos. This permission does not authorize, under No. For the prohibition concerns only the manner of acquisition which is no longer permitted, but not the possession, which, though not bearing a requisite title of right, has nevertheless been held lawful in all states by the public opinion of the time the time of the putative acquisition.

This does not always mean open hostilities, but at least an unceasing threat of war. A state of peace, therefore, must be established, for in order to be secured against hostility it is not sufficient that hostilities simply be not committed; and, unless this security is pledged to each by his neighbor a thing that can occur only in a civil state , each may treat his neighbor, from whom he demands this security, as an enemy.

The republican constitution, therefore, is, with respect to law, the one which is the original basis of every form of civil constitution. The only question now is: Is it also the one which can lead to perpetual peace?

The republican constitution, besides the purity of its origin having sprung from the pure source of the concept of law , also gives a favorable prospect for the desired consequence, i.

The reason is this: if the consent of the citizens is required in order to decide that war should be declared and in this constitution it cannot but be the case , nothing is more natural than that they would be very cautious in commencing such a poor game, decreeing for themselves all the calamities of war.

Among the latter would be: having to fight, having to pay the costs of war from their own resources, having painfully to repair the devastation war leaves behind, and, to fill up the measure of evils, load themselves with a heavy national debt that would embitter peace itself and that can never be liquidated on account of constant wars in the future.

But, on the other hand, in a constitution which is not republican, and under which the subjects are not citizens, a declaration of war is the easiest thing in the world to decide upon, because war does not require of the ruler, who is the proprietor and not a member of the state, the least sacrifice of the pleasures of his table, the chase, his country houses, his court functions, and the like.

He may, therefore, resolve on war as on a pleasure party for the most trivial reasons, and with perfect indifference leave the justification which decency requires to the diplomatic corps who are ever ready to provide it. In order not to confuse the republican constitution with the democratic as is commonly done , the following should be noted.

The forms of a state civitas can be divided either according to the persons who possess the sovereign power or according to the mode of administration exercised over the people by the chief, whoever he may be. The first is properly called the form of sovereignty forma imperii , and there are only three possible forms of it: autocracy, in which one, aristocracy, in which some associated together, or democracy, in which all those who constitute society, possess sovereign power.

They may be characterized, respectively, as the power of a monarch, of the nobility, or of the people. The second division is that by the form of government forma regiminis and is based on the way in which the state makes use of its power; this way is based on the constitution, which is the act of the general will through which the many persons become one nation. In this respect government is either republican or despotic. Republicanism is the political principle of the separation of the executive power the administration from the legislative; despotism is that of the autonomous execution by the state of laws which it has itself decreed.

Thus in a despotism the public will is administered by the ruler as his own will.In fact, the idea of a reform entails the idea of a reformer, such that the active participation of a virtuous state or of a virtuous party within the state seems to be implied. But if, in consequence of enlightened concepts of statecraft, the glory of the state is placed in its continual aggrandizement by whatever means, my conclusion will appear merely academic and pedantic.

But the periodic and voluntary military exercises of citizens who thereby secure themselves and their country against foreign aggression are entirely different. Journal of Human Rights, 5: None of the ancient so-called "republics" knew this system, and they all finally and inevitably degenerated into despotism under the sovereignty of one, which is the most bearable of all forms of despotism.

In a preparatory note of Perpetual Peace, Kant no date: For these reasons it is more difficult for an aristocracy than for a monarchy to achieve the one completely juridical constitution, and it is impossible for a democracy to do so except by violent revolution. KANT, I. Rather, it focuses on a rather peculiar critique that charges Kant, or the contemporary Kantians, of providing a certain degree of justification for a perpetual war against nonliberal states for the sake of perpet- ual peace.

Such are Nos.