Part 1 What's the Issue? 1. Falling Behind and Falling Apart: The Bottom Billion 3. Part 2 The Traps. 2. The Conflict Trap 3. The Natural Resource Trap 4. PDF | On Feb 1, , Paul Hoebink and others published The bottom billion: why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it, by Paul. A review of: Paul Collier: The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and .. pdf.

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To download abstracts, personal subscriptions or corporate solutions, visit our Web site at or call us at our U.S. office () or . In the universally acclaimed and award-winning The Bottom Billion, Paul Collier reveals that fifty failed states-home to the poorest one billion people on. The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done About It. New York: Oxford PDF download for ■ Collier, Paul,

He then outlines eight strategies which these landlocked countries can use to improve their chances of growth. In contrast, turnarounds are more likely to be launched and succeed in countries having a larger population, and a higher proportion of that population with a secondary education. In the third section of the book, Collier shares his views on globalization and how globalization affects the bottom billion.

Collier suggests that globalization will not help the countries in this group because they have already been left behind by other developing countries. One of his controversial suggestions is giving these countries protection against competition from Asia.


In the fourth section chapters seven through ten , the different possible instruments to help the bottom billion break free from the four traps are discussed. In chapter seven, Collier argues that aid in most forms is ineffective and is only a small part of the solution. He provides arguments in support of a moderate shift from direct foreign aid to more technical assistance. The case for military intervention, despite controversy surrounding the use of this instrument, is put forward in chapter eight.

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Chapter nine is a discussion on laws and charters and how these can work as instruments. Collier emphasizes the need to establish a set of international standards for different important issues and scenarios facing the bottom billion, like natural resource extraction, democracy, budget transparency, investment, and post conflict recovery.

Trade policy as an instrument is discussed in chapter ten.

Collier highlights why trade openness is needed by the bottom billion. He emphasizes the flaws in the view that trade in general is bad for this group.

In the final section, chapter eleven, Collier puts forth suggestions on what needs to happen if the plight of the bottom billion is going to change and who should make it happen. One of the strengths of the book is its focus on the least developed countries as over against the developing countries in general.

However, there are some shortcomings. First, the focus on poor countries instead of on the very poor in any developing country could be an issue. The problem with the country approach is that a sizeable number of the very poor in countries that have high growth rates but high or medium inequality and an average human development index HDI get ignored. A good example is India, which is not part of the bottom billion. However, over thirty-four percent of its one billion population lives on less than one dollar a day.

I believe that, though growth is a condition for development, the main focus should still be development.

The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done About It

For example, Botswana is cited as one of the success stories of Africa but inequality in Botswana is high. Additionally, the number of people below the poverty line in Botswana, despite over two decades of significant growth, is significantly high.

Botswana has a life expectancy of less than forty years and its HDI is ranked th while its per capita income is ranked sixtieth. Development is still far off for Botswana and many other slow-growing African countries, though growth has continued steadily over time. Human capital is transmitted though health and education. Lack of education and poor health and nutrition create a vicious circle of low productivity and low growth and development.

Hence, issues of health and education for the bottom billion are too critical to be left out in a discussion of traps faced by this group. Third, and most significant, the book sometimes does not present the whole picture. This is quite worrisome because most people reading this book will assume that Collier is providing a thorough account of the events he depicts; this is not always the case.

Another example is the elections in Togo mentioned in chapter eight. Collier makes the claim that Faure Gnassingbe did not win the election, but there is no substantial evidence to this effect. This is why this opposition leader, despite trying to rally protests post-election as is common in many parts of Africa when the opposition loses the present violence in Kenya provides a classic example , agreed to work to end the violence quite quickly.

Togo, since its independence, has maintained relative peace and, despite its small size and limited resources hence its slow growth , has a medium HDI and medium inequality.

I feel strongly that it is inappropriate for Collier to say that the only decisive contribution Faure a graduate from George Washington University would make is dying.

There is little doubt that many people within this country supported his election and, in the two years following his election and , GDP growth has at least increased between two to three percent, despite the negative effect of rising oil prices and volatile commodity prices for nonoil producing small African countries. Collier talks about the corruption of some governments of poor nations, but he does not rightly trace this extractive culture to its roots, which are found in colonialism.

The recent work by Robinson, Acemoglu, and Simon provides evidence of the extractive institutions set up in Africa by the colonialists. Corrupt leaders are definitely one of the problems faced by the bottom billion. However, the growth and persistence of this kind of leadership is linked to the enduring nature of the extractive institutions put in place in Africa via colonialism. It depends on how you look at it. As Christian economists, we are concerned with not only the optimal or efficient use of scarce resources, but also living according to the principles of our faith as expounded in the Bible.

This sometimes creates a dilemma for Christian economists in terms of what is the best policy action to prescribe or how to approach a given situation, proposal, or research agenda.

A struggle rages within each of these nations between reformers and corrupt leaders--and the corrupt are winning. Collier analyzes the causes of failure, pointing to a set of traps that ensnare these countries, including civil war, a dependence on the extraction and export of natural resources, and bad governance.

Standard solutions do not work, he writes; aid is often ineffective, and globalization can actually make matters worse, driving development to more stable nations. What the bottom billion need, Collier argues, is a bold new plan supported by the Group of Eight industrialized nations.

The bottom billion: Why are the poorest countries failing and what can be done about it

If failed states are ever to be helped, the G8 will have to adopt preferential trade policies, new laws against corruption, new international charters, and even conduct carefully calibrated military interventions. Collier has spent a lifetime working to end global poverty. In The Bottom Billion, he offers real hope for solving one of the great humanitarian crises facing the world today. Crammed with statistical nuggets and common sense, his book should be compulsory reading.

If you've ever found yourself on one side or the other of those arguments--and who hasn't? Read this book.

You will learn much you do not know. It will also change the way you look at the tragedy of persistent poverty in a world of plenty.This trap is paradoxical to non-economists who are unaware of the Dutch disease and the difficulty of managing volatile resource revenue.

A charter for democracy can reduce patronage by enforcing appropriate use of political power. The book is made up of twelve chapters divided into five sections. These countries typically suffer from one or more development traps.

Collier makes the claim that Faure Gnassingbe did not win the election, but there is no substantial evidence to this effect. By Fatou Sow and Fatima Sow. Though the election had 89 some problems—as do most elections in Africa and some elections in other developing and developed countries—there is no substantiated evidence that Gilchrist Olympio would have won.

Here, Collier highlights four traps that make it extremely hard to escape from the bottom and why the traps matter for G8 policy.